By Ardeth Maung Thawnghmung
This paper sheds mild at the actions of non-armed individuals of ethnic minorities in Burma, insufficiently studied actors within the traditional research of ethnic politics in Burma that has lengthy been ruled by means of a spotlight on ethnonational armed resistance teams and ceasefire teams. concentrating on the Kachin, Karen, Mon, and Shan ethnic teams, the learn describes 9 significant financial, political, and geographical different types of civilian adventure, through 4 contributions that non-armed contributors of ethnic minority teams may possibly make to the political method: (1) assisting the established order, (2) remodeling or undermining the established order, (3) selling collective identification and tradition and addressing humanitarian wishes, and (4) assisting to mediate ceasefire agreements. The examine demonstrates the necessity to concentrate on the whole variety of nonviolent political activities that exist between ethnic minority populations and argues that coverage responses needs to glance past the function of armed teams and turn into extra delicate to the wishes of the various individuals of ethnic groups.
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Additional info for Beyond Armed Resistance: Ethnonational Politics in Burma (Myanmar)
For instance, although ethnic parties constitute 17 of the 22 parties that won seats, the second- and fifth-largest winners, the SNDP and the AMRDP, secured only 57 seats and 16 seats respectively out of a total 1,154 elected seats for different legislatures (TNI 2011a: 14). The two Karen parties in 10th and 11th place garnered only 9 seats and 6 seats respectively. Although the USDP won an overwhelming majority in both the upper and lower houses in all seven regional legislatures in Burmandominated areas, making it difficult for ethnic parties to have an impact at the national level, it does not have a majority in some regional legislatures, particularly in the Karen, Shan, Chin, and Arakan states.
Prominent examples include Tun Aung Chain (Karen, head of the history department at Rangoon University), Elinore Khan Kyi (Karen, head of the English department at Rangoon University), Naing Pan Hla (Mon, historian), Sai Aung Htun (Shan, historian), U Sumlut Naw (Kachin, headmaster of Myitkyinar College), and Jubilee San Hla (Karen), Saing Htun U (Shan), and Sai Htun Hla (Shan), who served as regional commissioners for the General Administration, a central government organ. Ordinary members of ethnic minorities in government-controlled areas also joined the BSPP as members or voted for it in order to acquire benefits or to avoid official reprisals.
In both cases, ceasefires saw intense flows of communication and interaction between civilian groups and armed ceasefire groups, as well as a rapid increase in humanitarian, cultural, educational, and development activities in both ceasefire and government-controlled areas. For instance, the NMSP was able to work with its non-armed counterparts to develop Mon language curricula and manage 186 Mon national schools and mixed schools by running them cooperatively within the government system (South 2004: 240).
Beyond Armed Resistance: Ethnonational Politics in Burma (Myanmar) by Ardeth Maung Thawnghmung